Saturday , 15 September , 2001






Don't fight fire with more fire
By M. Ali Ibrahim
The cartoon published here had already appeared on Wednesday, in the British newspaper, The Times, only 24 hours after the terrorist attacks against the US, which left Americans and the rest of the world completely stunned.
The cartoon portrays Osama bin Laden, Yasser Arafat, Khameini, Qaddafi of Libya and Saddam Hussein. It conveys an important message to the whole world, namely that these five men foster and export terrorism. What a hasty and dangerous assumption to make! Before any investigation had been started or any concrete evidence had emerged, the cartoonist created a drawing which implies that only these five Middle East men could have been responsible for Tuesday's events in America.
The collapse of the World Trade Center was the most vivid display of terror that I have ever seen in my whole life. The forces of darkness and light met and the result was sheer havoc. But I must stress one thing here: I am very sympathetic towards everyone who has been affected by this appalling tragedy, which has probably left more than 12,000 dead.
After the horror comes the response. The wise military leader always keeps in mind the enemy's goal. As with other recent attacks on Americans at home and abroad, the objective is not the traditional one of those who wage a war of violence. It is not to defeat America, to undermine its economic power or military strength, or even to destabilise it politically. Such goals are unachievable. That is why comparisons with Pearl Harbor or the Battle of the Bulge are absurd.
The objective could be to propagate a cause, to humiliate the US and goad it into a violent response. To achieve this goal, a 'big bang' is required. This big bang must receive maximum publicity and then the reaction to it must be equally violent. Its effectiveness lies not only in the number of deaths it causes, but also in the reverberations in the media. It lies in the action replay, the humanising of the tragedy, the publicity surrounding those who are responsible for it. In a word, it lies in the aftermath.
There is absolutely no military defence against such attacks. In fact there is no realistic defence at all, as Simon Jenkins said in his article in The Times. America will doubtless redouble its efforts to penetrate and contain the groups responsible. But they will not be defeated by main force. Any plane can be hijacked. Any building is vulnerable. People can be protected individually, but not en masse. A whole community can always be gassed or poisoned.
Modern state-of-the-art electronic equipment make developed states more vulnerable to random attacks. Paradoxically, in the war of the weak against the strong, the weak hold a lot of trump cards. They have access to weapons that are far more powerful than ever before. Global technology is constantly making the rich richer and the poor poorer. But, ironically, it also offers the self-appointed champions of the poor very powerful means to get the attention of the whole world.

Obsolete

Faced with the horrors we have recently witnessed, 'anti-missile' defence systems suddenly seem obsolete. No rogue state needs an intercontinental ballistic missile to attack the US, when a boy or young man with a suitcase full of primed explosives or a suicide hijacker can simply walk through almost any security cordon. A trillion dollars hurled into outer space can do absolutely nothing to stop a hijacked twin-engined plane from flying out of Boston Airport. Flyingdales may pick up a threat from outer space, but not a few grams of a deadly virus hidden inside a woman's handbag or a madman who decides to travel Club Class.
To protect every key American building abroad, let alone in the US itself, is clearly impossible. To attempt to protect city centres against suicide attacks, you have to play the attacker's game. This gives him the attention he craves and he becomes a kind of twisted celebrity. The constant search for security becomes a bizarre re-enactment of the original outrage, a reminder of what might happen next time. It is part of the 'ripple effect' of terror. Its potency lies in the pictures of bloodstained bodies and sobbing women, of shattered buildings and a world turned upside down.
The thought of the US deciding to retaliate against whatever suspects it may find raises many issues. For the US to carry out punitive action demands a collective entity that can be held responsible for past and future incidents. According to Simon Jenkins, we are talking about shadowy groups which move from country to country, striking terror into the hearts of their hosts and the rest of the world.
In 1993, the same World Trade Center was hit by a massive car bomb. Washington confirmed that it was the work of Arab fundamentalists who had ties with Kabul and Khartoum. Washington then arrested an American citizen, Timothy McVeigh, and found him guilty of the bombing. Washington then went even further when it put states like Iraq, Libya, Iran and Sudan on a blacklist of countries that support terrorism.
No good has come of all this. Trade sanctions were imposed on nations with primitive political economies and whose citizens were already destitute. That is why people in the Middle East are quite astonished at being instantly accused of planning the attack. Muslims, even those living in the US, have also been under fire.
The US needs to realise that we would never gloat over such a tragedy or rejoice at its misfortune. But it must also realise that some of its foreign policies, like sponsoring the state of Israel, has led the United States into protracted and senseless animosity towards the cause of the dispossessed Palestinians. The US also recklessly financed anti-Soviet warlords in Afghanistan in the early 1990s. This has led to the emergence of highly motivated terrorist groups, including those operating under the aegis of Osama bin Laden.
America's crackdown on the trade in hard drugs like heroin and cocaine (of which the United States is the world's biggest consumer) has only served to encourage the production of these evil substances in states throughout Asia and South America. The continuing Kuwaiti policing operation, with its weekly bombings of Iraq, has made Saddam a hero and America an object of hatred.
To seek revenge would be senseless. The US showed in the 1998 punishment attacks on Sudan and Afghanistan after the bombing of its African embassies that it regards revenge attacks as a legitimate weapon in its geopolitical arsenal. The attack on Afghanistan was ineffective, while the attack on Sudan was illegal and militarily indefensible. Revenge is not the right response from a sophisticated political community.
Washington is at odds with nearly every corner of the globe, not just the Middle East. It has enemies everywhere, who resent its luxury, wealth, high standard of living and prosperity. Drug cartels, Serbs, the Japanese Yakosa, the Russian Mafia and white radical American militiamen are all baying for US blood.
To react to an atrocity by abandoning the customary self-control expected of a democracy is merely to give a helping hand to the terrorist. For the US to extend its blind support of Israel, sanctions in the Middle East, isolation and military aggression will only serve to encourage certain groups to carry on with their acts of terrorism.
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